Unit
Years: 1846-1857
Culture & Community
The end of the Civil War and the passage of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution brought an end to enslavement across the United States. But emancipation–the freedom from bondage–had different effects on different people. For some formerly enslaved people, emancipation meant the freedom to define themselves outside of the system of enslavement by choosing a new name, enrolling in school, getting legally married, and reuniting with family. For others, emancipation brought continued racial discrimination, violence, and repression.
Emancipation came with its own set of opportunities, as well as new obstacles that Black Americans had to overcome to live truly free lives. The federal government created the Freedmen’s Bureau to assist formerly enslaved people in meeting these challenges and opportunities. The Freedmen’s Bureau supported Black Americans in finding their loved ones, set up public schools for Black children and adults, and distributed resources to formerly enslaved people who had few personal belongings. But the Freedmen’s Bureau and other government agencies–including the U.S. military–also limited the opportunities that Black people could pursue by enforcing exploitative sharecropping agreements, keeping Black soldiers from returning to their families, and failing to enshrine legal protections for Black Americans during the brief period of Reconstruction. For many formerly enslaved Black Americans, the promise of emancipation did not quite match its reality.
Excerpt from interview with former slave Felix Haywood, age 92, of San Antonio, Texas, “Like Freedom Was a Place” Felix Haywood, born into slavery in St. Hedwig, Texas, was one of thousands interviewed for the Slave Narrative Collection of the Federal Writers’ Project.
The end of the war, it come just like that—like you snap your fingers. . . . How did we know it! Hallelujah broke out—
Abe Lincoln freed the n*****
With the gun and the trigger;
And I ain't going to get whipped any more,
I got my ticket,
Leaving the thicket,
And I'm a-heading for the Golden Shore!
Soldiers, all of a sudden, was everywhere—coming in bunches, crossing and walking and riding, Everyone was a-singing. We was all walking on golden clouds. Hallelujah!
Union forever,
Hurrah, boys, hurrah!
Although I may be poor,
I'll never be a slave—
Shouting the battle cry of freedom.
Everybody went wild. We all felt like heroes, and nobody had made us that way but ourselves. We was free. Just like that, we was free. It didn’t seem to make the whites mad, either. They went right on giving us food just the same. Nobody took our homes away, but right off colored folks started on the move. They seemed to want to get closer to freedom, so they'd know what it was—like it was a place or a city. Me and my father stuck, stuck close as a lean tick to a sick kitten. The Gudlows started us out on a ranch. My father, he'd round up cattle—unbranded cattle—for the whites. They was cattle that they belonged to, all right; they had gone to find water 'long the San Antonio River and the Guadalupe. Then the whites gave me and my father some cattle for our own. My father had his own brand—7 B)—and we had a herd to start out with of seventy.
We knowed freedom was on us, but we didn’t know what was to come with it. We thought we was going to get rich like the white folks We thought we was going to be richer than the white folks, 'cause we was Stronger and knowed how to work, and the whites didn’t, and they didn’t have us to work for them any more. But it didn’t turn out that way. We soon found out that freedom could make folks proud, but it didn’t make 'em rich.
Did you ever stop to think that thinking don’t do any good when you do it too late! Well, that's how it was with us. If every mothers son of a black had thrown 'way his hoe and took up a gun to fight for his own freedom along with the Yankees, the war’d been over before it began. But we didn't do it. We couldn’ help stick to our masters. We couldn’t no more shoot 'em than we could fly. My father and me used to talk bout it. We decided we was too soft and freedom wasn’t going to be much to our good even if we had a education.
Source: reprinted in Botkin, B.A., ed. Lay My Burden Down: A Folk History of Slavery. Delta, 1989, 231. (Document 4.7.2)
Excerpt from interview with former slave Simon Phillips, age 90, of Birmingham, Alabama, “What’s Mine Is Mine” Simon Phillips, born into slavery in Hale County, Alabama in 1847, was one of thousands interviewed for the Slave Narrative Collection of the Federal Writers’ Project.
One day . . . a few n*****s was sticking sticks in the ground when the massa come up.
"What you n*****s doing!" he asked.
"We is staking off the land, Massa. The Yankees say half of it is ourn."
The massa never got mad. He just look calm-like.
"Listen, n*****s," he says, "what's mine is mine, and what's yours is yours You are just as free as I and the missus, but don't go fooling around my land. I've tried to be a good master to you. I have never been unfair. Now if you wants to stay, you are welcome to work for me. I'll pay you one-third the crops you raise. But if you wants to go, you sees the gate."
The massa never have no more trouble. Them n*****s just stays right there and works. Sometime they loaned the massa money when he was hard pushed. Most of 'em died on the old grounds.
Source: reprinted in Botkin, B.A., ed. Lay My Burden Down: A Folk History of Slavery. Delta, 1989, 239. (Document 4.7.4)
Excerpts from an interview between African American ministers and lay leaders and Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton and General William T. Sherman, Savannah, Georgia, January 12, 1865.
Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton and General William T. Sherman invited twenty African American leaders to meet with them to discuss the future of thousands of slaves now free as a result of General Sherman’s military advances. Garrison Frazier, a Baptist minister had been born in Granville County, North Carolina and was a slave until 1857, when he bought his freedom. The African Americans present chose him as their spokesman. The interview was reported in a New York newspaper the following month.
Second—State what you understand by Slavery and the freedom that was to be given by the President’s proclamation.
Answer—Slavery is, receiving by irresistible power the work of another man, and not by his consent. The freedom, as I understand it, promised by the proclamation, is taking us from under the yoke of bondage, and placing us where we could reap the fruit of our own labor, take care of ourselves and assist the Government in maintaining our freedom.
Third—State in what manner you think you can take care of yourselves, and how can you best assist the Government in maintaining your freedom.
Answer—The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn it and till it by our own labor— that is, by the labor of the women and children and old men; and we can soon maintain ourselves and have something to spare. And to assist the Government, the young men should enlist in the service of the Government, and serve in such manner as they may be wanted…. We want to be placed on land until we are able to buy it and make it our own.
Fourth—State in what manner you would rather live—whether scattered among whites or in colonies by yourselves.
Answer—I would prefer to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice against us in the South that will take years to get over; but I do not know that I can answer for my brethren….
Fifth—Do you think that there is intelligence enough among the slaves of the South to maintain themselves under the Government of the United States and the equal protection of its laws, and maintain good and peaceable relations among yourselves and with your neighbors?
Answer—I think there is sufficient intelligence among us to do so.
Sixth—State what is the feeling of the black population of the South toward the Government of the United States; what is the understanding in respect to the present war— its causes and object, and their disposition to aid either side. State fully your views.
Answer—I think you will find there are thousands that are willing to make any sacrifice to assist the Government of the United States, while there are also many that are not willing to take up arms. I do not suppose there are a dozen men that are opposed to the government, I understand, as to the war, that the South is the aggressor. President Lincoln was elected President by a majority of the United States, which guaranteed him the right of holding office and exercising that right over the whole United States. The South, without knowing what he would do, rebelled. The war was commenced by the Rebels before he came into office. The object of the war was not at first to bring the rebellious States back into the Union and their loyalty to the laws of the United States. Afterward, knowing the value set on the slaves by the Rebels, the President thought that his proclamation would stimulate them to lay down their arms and reduce them to obedience, and help to bring back the Rebel States; and their not doing so has made the freedom of the slaves a part of the war….
Seventh—State whether the sentiments you now express are those only of the colored people in the city; or do they extend to the colored population through the country? And what are your means of knowing the sentiments of those living in the country?
Answer—I think the sentiments are the same among the colored people of the State. My opinion is formed by personal communication in the course of my ministry, and also from the thousands that followed the Union army, leaving their homes and undergoing suffering. I did not think there would be so many; the number surpassed my expectation. . . .
Source: reprinted in Berlin, Ira, Barbara Fields, Steven Miller, Joseph P. Reidy and Leslie S. Rowland, ed. Free At Last: A Documentary History of Slavery, Freedom and the Civil War. New York: New Press, 1992. (Document 4.7.7)
Excerpt from report by George W. Cole of mutiny by his Black brigade, June 1865
Union regiments were demobilized in the order that they had been organized. As a result, Black regiments, largely recruited after 1863, were among the last to be sent home. Some Black soldiers were ordered to the Rio Grande border to fight French-backed forces that had taken control of Mexico.
[Brazos Santiago, TX June 1865]
The majority of the 1st and 2nd Regiment USC[olored] Cavalry are residents of Portsmouth and Norfolk and vicinity, and the 2 USC[olored] Cavalry, having met their families and children (nearly 1000 as I am informed), they were unwilling to leave them unprovided with money or rations. Consequently, they became excited and decidedly insubordinate. At which juncture Major Dollard Comd’g instead of being with his men on shore to rule and prevent outrage, retired to the Cabin of the Steamer and some time after called the Line Officers away from their Commands, probably for consultation thus leaving the men on shore unrestrained by their presence.
During the excitement, some (20) twenty Men deserted and left with their families, but in a few hours order was restored and the leaders of the Mutiny I took from the Boat—placed in irons, and have them in custody.
All the men appearing contented before seeing their families, and even afterward promptly obeyed all orders in arresting their comrades, but were enraged at the threat of using white troops to coerce them, as was offered by Major Dollard 2nd USC[olored] C[avalry].
I found the same feeling of discontent and insubordination in the 1st Regiment USC[olored] Cavalry. Many were wishing to see their families and being unable to make any provision for their support from not having been paid and rations having been stopped to soldiers and their wives.—
Major Brown, Comd’g 1st USC[olored] C[avalry] while this state of affairs prevailed left his command and was absent at Norfolk all night leaving his arms on the dock at Fort Monroe, and his Troops in charge of his subordinate officers who found it necessary to shoot (not fatally) one man and turn over to me six more whom I ironed.
With the exception of Major Brown. . . and Major Dollard. . , the officers of the Brigade both Staff and Regimental were all prompt and dutiful, and for their close attention to duty, and sober, earnest labor in the prompt and thorough embarkation of this Command (no boat being detained an hour) they merit my warmest thanks, not one being behind time or neglecting an order a course of conduct which if pursued by their superiors would I am convinced have prevented any disturbance whatever, for every man left Camp as cheerfully as ever before.
I should have placed both Major Brown and Major Dollard in arrest but for the apparent encouragement to the insubordinate enlisted men—
I have mentioned the condition of the families, etc. not as an excuse for the conduct of the men but showing the cause of the excitement and the stupidity of permitting them the inflammatory stimulus of free intercourse with the howling multitude—
We arrived at Mobile Bay the 23rd instead of having had a smooth voyage of seven (7) days where (Fort Morgan) we found orders to proceed to Brazos Santiago, Texas.
A report of the voyage from Mobile Bay to Brazos Texas will be forwarded as soon as practicable. I remain Very Respectfully Your Obedient Servant
George W. Cole
Source: Reprinted in Berlin, Ira and Leslie S. Rowland, eds. Families and Freedom: A Documentary History of African American Kinship in the Civil War Era. New York: New Press, 1997. 127. (Document 4.12.3)
Excerpt from report by George W. Cole of mutiny by his Black brigade, June 1865
Union regiments were demobilized in the order that they had been organized. As a result, Black regiments, largely recruited after 1863, were among the last to be sent home. Some Black soldiers were ordered to the Rio Grande border to fight French-backed forces that had taken control of Mexico.
[Brazos Santiago, TX June 1865]
The majority of the 1st and 2nd Regiment USC[olored] Cavalry are residents of Portsmouth and Norfolk and vicinity, and the 2 USC[olored] Cavalry, having met their families and children (nearly 1000 as I am informed), they were unwilling to leave them unprovided with money or rations. Consequently, they became excited and decidedly insubordinate. At which juncture Major Dollard Comd’g instead of being with his men on shore to rule and prevent outrage, retired to the Cabin of the Steamer and some time after called the Line Officers away from their Commands, probably for consultation thus leaving the men on shore unrestrained by their presence.
During the excitement, some (20) twenty Men deserted and left with their families, but in a few hours order was restored and the leaders of the Mutiny I took from the Boat—placed in irons, and have them in custody.
All the men appearing contented before seeing their families, and even afterward promptly obeyed all orders in arresting their comrades, but were enraged at the threat of using white troops to coerce them, as was offered by Major Dollard 2nd USC[olored] C[avalry].
I found the same feeling of discontent and insubordination in the 1st Regiment USC[olored] Cavalry. Many were wishing to see their families and being unable to make any provision for their support from not having been paid and rations having been stopped to soldiers and their wives.—
Major Brown, Comd’g 1st USC[olored] C[avalry] while this state of affairs prevailed left his command and was absent at Norfolk all night leaving his arms on the dock at Fort Monroe, and his Troops in charge of his subordinate officers who found it necessary to shoot (not fatally) one man and turn over to me six more whom I ironed.
With the exception of Major Brown. . . and Major Dollard. . , the officers of the Brigade both Staff and Regimental were all prompt and dutiful, and for their close attention to duty, and sober, earnest labor in the prompt and thorough embarkation of this Command (no boat being detained an hour) they merit my warmest thanks, not one being behind time or neglecting an order a course of conduct which if pursued by their superiors would I am convinced have prevented any disturbance whatever, for every man left Camp as cheerfully as ever before.
I should have placed both Major Brown and Major Dollard in arrest but for the apparent encouragement to the insubordinate enlisted men—
I have mentioned the condition of the families, etc. not as an excuse for the conduct of the men but showing the cause of the excitement and the stupidity of permitting them the inflammatory stimulus of free intercourse with the howling multitude—
We arrived at Mobile Bay the 23rd instead of having had a smooth voyage of seven (7) days where (Fort Morgan) we found orders to proceed to Brazos Santiago, Texas.
A report of the voyage from Mobile Bay to Brazos Texas will be forwarded as soon as practicable. I remain Very Respectfully Your Obedient Servant
George W. Cole
Source: Reprinted in Berlin, Ira and Leslie S. Rowland, eds. Families and Freedom: A Documentary History of African American Kinship in the Civil War Era. New York: New Press, 1997. 127. (Document 4.12.3)
The Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1865, abolished slavery and involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime. It was a crucial step in ending institutionalized slavery in the United States following the Civil War and emancipating millions of enslaved individuals.
The act of setting free or liberating someone from slavery, servitude, or oppression, often through legal or formal means.
An executive order issued by President Abraham Lincoln on January 1, 1863, during the Civil War, declaring that all enslaved people in Confederate-controlled territory were to be freed.
The period in American history following the Civil War, approximately from 1865 to 1877, where efforts were made to rebuild and transform the Southern states that had seceded from the Union. It aimed to address issues such as the integration of formerly enslaved African Americans into society.
Also known as the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, a federal agency established by Congress in 1865 during the Reconstruction era to assist formerly enslaved African Americans and impoverished whites in the South with education, employment, health care, and other social services. The Freedmen's Bureau played a significant role in supporting the transition from slavery to freedom and promoting civil rights and equality in the post-Civil War South.
Provisions of food or supplies distributed by authorities or organizations, typically during times of scarcity, emergencies, or conflicts, to ensure that individuals or populations have access to essential resources to meet their basic needs.
Sharecropping was an agricultural system prevalent in the Southern United States after the Civil War, in which landless farmers, often formerly enslaved individuals, rented land and equipment from landowners in exchange for a share of the crops grown.
The 17th President of the United States (1865-1869) who succeeded Abraham Lincoln after his assassination and oversaw the early Reconstruction period following the Civil War.